Can they do it?
An honest look at the big campaign promises: what it takes to keep them, and whether they would cost taxpayers more.
An honest look at the big campaign promises: what it takes to keep them, and whether they would cost taxpayers more.
Campaigns promise a lot. This page asks two questions about the biggest promises: can the office actually do it, and would it cost taxpayers more?
1. Does the office have the power to do it alone, or do others have to say yes?
2. If it needs the legislature, who controls the House and Senate after the election?
3. Where does the money come from? Georgia's constitution requires a balanced budget every year. The state cannot borrow to cover everyday spending. So new spending has to come from money the state already collects, from cutting something else, or from federal funds.
The promise
Bottoms and McLaurin promise to grow Medicaid so hundreds of thousands more Georgians get health coverage.
Can it happen?
Not with one signature. It takes the governor plus a yes vote from both chambers of the legislature. If voters elect a governor who wants it but a legislature that does not, it stalls. Some Republican lawmakers have warmed to the idea, so it is possible but not promised.
Would it cost taxpayers more?
Less than you might think. The federal government pays 90 cents of every dollar, and a federal bonus would cover the state's share for about the first two years. After that, Georgia pays its 10 percent share, which is real money. But the state is already paying for its smaller Pathways program, which spent more than 90 percent of its first money on paperwork and consultants and covered about 3,500 people in its first year. North Carolina's full expansion covered 380,000 people in less time.
Georgia Budget & Policy Institute ↗ · KFF Health News ↗The promise
Bottoms and McLaurin promise to work to end Georgia's six-week abortion ban.
Can it happen?
Only with the legislature. Repealing a law takes a majority in both chambers plus the governor's signature. A governor alone cannot undo it, though a governor can veto new limits and shape what bills move. The courts are also still in play. Whether this promise is possible depends almost entirely on who wins the House and Senate.
Would it cost taxpayers more?
No. Changing this law does not raise or lower state spending in any real way.
How a bill becomes law in Georgia →The promise
Bottoms and Powell promise higher teacher pay and fully funded public schools.
Can it happen?
Yes. Teacher pay is a normal budget choice made every year. The governor proposes the raise and the legislature votes on it. Georgia has done it several times recently, under both parties.
Would it cost taxpayers more?
It costs real money: the last $2,500 raise added about $367 million a year to the state budget. That money comes from taxes Georgians already pay. Whether it means new taxes depends on the rest of the budget. In recent years Georgia has had billions in surplus, so raises have not required tax increases.
Professional Association of Georgia Educators ↗The promise
As home values have jumped across Georgia, so have property tax bills. Candidates in both parties promise relief.
Can it happen?
Mostly at the local level, and that is the catch. Your property tax bill is set by your county, city, and school board, not by the governor. The state stopped collecting its own property tax years ago. State leaders write the rules, though: in 2024, Georgia voters approved a law that caps how fast a home's taxable value can rise, tying it to inflation. But local governments were allowed to opt out, and 123 of Georgia's 180 school districts did. So statewide promises about property taxes only reach as far as local boards allow, unless lawmakers change the rules again.
Would it cost taxpayers more?
This is the clearest trade-off on this page. Property taxes mostly pay for local schools, police, and fire service. Cap them, and that money must come from somewhere: smaller school budgets, a new local sales tax of up to 1 cent that the law lets counties swap in, or state money to fill the gap. A sales tax swap also shifts the load, because renters and lower-income families pay sales tax without getting the homeowner break.
Tax Foundation ↗ · Georgia House policy brief ↗The promise
Bottoms promises more affordable housing and help with rising living costs across the state.
Can it happen?
Yes, but slowly, and not alone. As Atlanta's mayor, she did it with bonds and partners, like the restored English Avenue apartments. A governor can push housing money, tax credits, and first-time buyer help in the budget, but the legislature must approve it, and most zoning decisions stay with cities and counties.
Would it cost taxpayers more?
Depends on the tool. Bonds and tax credits spread the cost over years. Direct spending competes with everything else in a balanced budget. Deals with private builders and nonprofits stretch each state dollar further, which is how her Atlanta projects worked.
What she built in Atlanta →The promise
Waites promises to challenge home and car insurance price hikes and make companies explain increases in public.
Can it happen?
Mostly yes, alone. Reviewing rates and demanding answers are powers the insurance commissioner already has. How hard the office pushes is up to the person in the chair. The office cannot set prices by itself, but it can challenge, delay, and shine a light on increases.
Would it cost taxpayers more?
No new taxes. This runs through an office taxpayers already fund. If it works, it saves families money on bills.
What the insurance commissioner does →The promise
Hubbard and Edwards promise to fight unfair Georgia Power rate hikes and put affordability first.
Can it happen?
Partly. Voting on rates is exactly what the Public Service Commission does, so the power is real. But the commission has five members and every decision takes three votes. Even if both Democrats win, they hold two of five seats and would need one more vote to win a rate case.
Would it cost taxpayers more?
No. Rate decisions are not taxes. They decide how costs get split between families, businesses, and Georgia Power itself. The May 2026 rate cut showed the commission can move bills down as well as up.
Rough Draft Atlanta ↗The promise
Porcher promises faster unemployment benefits and cheaper childcare.
Can it happen?
Half and half. The labor commissioner runs the unemployment system, so speeding up claims is squarely in the job, though replacing old computer systems needs money from the legislature. Childcare is different: the labor commissioner has no direct power over childcare prices. That promise is really a pledge to push lawmakers to act.
Would it cost taxpayers more?
Some. A one-time computer upgrade costs money up front but can save money on staff time and mistakes later. Real childcare help would be new state spending that the legislature would have to approve and fund.
What the labor commissioner does →Some promises are one signature away. Others need the House, the Senate, and the governor to agree, and a few need the federal government too. When you hear a promise, ask who has to say yes.
On cost: Georgia must balance its budget every year, so nothing is free. But "costs taxpayers more" is not the same as "raises your taxes." Some promises move money already in the budget. Some pull in federal dollars Georgia currently leaves on the table. And some, like rate fights, cost nothing and can put money back in your pocket.
See what each candidate promises on What's the plan? and what they've delivered before on How they've helped.
Cost figures come from state budget documents, nonpartisan research groups, and news reports, linked on each card. Estimates change as budgets change. Spot an error? Check the sources and judge for yourself.